CLAUSEWITZ,
The State and War
Edited by
Andreas Herberg-Rothe, Jan Willem Honig and Daniel Moran
Franz Steiner
Verlag Stuttgart, 2011, 164pp.
This collection of essays is
part of a series intended to ‘foster an integrative and inter-disciplinary
study of the state’. It is not easy to read, particularly for those not
familiar with the German language (the book retains some German words,
presumably because their concept is not readily translated into English), but
the effort is repaid.
Clausewitz seemed to be
fascinated by the Trinitarian concept, applying it to his ‘Wondrous Trinity’ of
the state, people, and military, and also to management of troop strength,
space and time, as noted by Jan Willem Honig. His essay highlights how Clausewitz
argued that fighting is central to war, because destroying the enemy’s means of
resistance is the best way to impose a state’s will on them. While using the
maximum force can ensure that this result is achieved promptly, however,
fighting was not an end of itself to Clausewitz.
Anders Palmgren highlights
Clausewitz’s emphasis on leaders acting in the interests of the state, not as
they might wish to act as private citizens. This concept, separating an
individual leader’s personal philosophy from government actions, seems less
easy to accept in modern times. Palmgren also notes Clausewitz’s wish to
interweave society and army, to make best use of the power and commitment of
individuals.
Andreas Herberg-Rothe writes
that Clausewitz accepted that states have to change to survive. His belief in
equality before the law, an independent judiciary, and ministerial
responsibility is now widely accepted in democratic states. However, Clausewitz
also recognised that mutual recognition of an opponent’s right to exist is an
essential pre-condition for restraining war’s tendency toward absolute
violence. Incompatible ideological or social differences can lead to
everlasting war, or the extermination of one side (perhaps both had the Cold
War become hot).
Daniel Moran’s essay notes
that it is difficult to judge how much Clausewitz intended to revise On War. However, he apparently intended
to maintain the concept of two kinds of war, either to overthrow the enemy
completely, or limited war. Clausewitz also would have retained the concept of
war as the continuation of policy using other means. This concept, and that of
complete overthrow of the enemy, are perhaps the most commonly recognised
aspects of Clausewitz’s thought, and fit with Clausewitz’s belief that war’s
character would vary with its political purpose.
Murielle Cozette’s essay on
the consideration of Clausewitz by the French philosopher Raymond Aron is
particularly interesting. Aron studied Clausewitz in the context of the World
Wars and the Cold War. One key concept, derived from Clausewitz’s ‘Wondrous
Trinity’, is the concept of the state as the personalised trustee of the
interests of the whole community, this trusteeship serving as a restraint to
prevent escalation to extremes. This concept is important, because it
emphasises the importance of the government representing the interests of all
citizens, not just those who share its ideological predilections. To Aron, the
concept that L’état, c’est moi (or my
party) excludes moderation.
Antulio Echevarria’s essay
on Clausewitz and the Cold War is of most interest in demonstrating the
intellectual gymnastics in which many Cold War philosophers engaged.
Herberg-Rothe’s concluding essay on Clausewitz and the democratic warrior
studies the recent rise of the professional fighter, and the corresponding
decline of the army of citizens in uniform. He sees this as enabling a strategy
of curbing violence to allow the ‘organic development of democratic
self-determination’, not imposing democracy by force. At best, the jury seems
still out on the success of this strategy.
Worth reading, despite the
difficult style.
JOHN DONOVAN
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