AUSTRALIAN BATTALION
COMMANDERS in the Second World War
Garth Pratten
Cambridge University Press, 2009, 435pp
Dr Garth Pratten has
produced an interesting history of the commanding officers (COs) of Australian
infantry battalions during the Second World War. He notes that there are few biographies of COs extant, and
that (perhaps surprisingly) they appear infrequently in unit histories, with
the exception of a unit’s first CO, who might have given a new soldier his
first impression of the Army and been influential in setting unit
standards. In those existing documents, little is
written about the tactical skills of COs, and even less of criticism. This book succeeds in bridging those
gaps. An additional benefit of the
book is the overview it provides of the Australian Army’s campaigns during the
Second World War.
Dr Pratten highlights the
deficiencies of the inter-war Australian Army, noting that even into the 1930s,
First World War experience was a ‘prerequisite for an appointment to battalion
command’, increasing the average age of COs. The personal commitment of the First World War veterans, and
the other long-serving officers, NCOs and soldiers in the inter-war militia
was, however, a strength of the militia system. The first of the new generation of COs who would carry the
Australian Army through the Second World War, began to be appointed in the late
1930s. Dr Pratten also notes the influence on selections of COs of the need, in
a citizen army, for them to have links with the local community, in order to
foster recruiting.
Training in the 1930s
Australian Army was still based on the experience of the First World War (even
at the RMC, Dr Pratten quotes one RMC graduate who described his course as
persevering with ‘1918 theories and equipment’). While many officers studied in their own time, he comments
that such self-education was ‘self-directed and theoretical’. The inter-war units lacked the
structures, personnel and equipment to provide real experience to a cadre of
leaders on which to found a wartime army.
Dr Pratten comments,
however, that despite its many deficiencies, the inter-war militia ‘exhibited
many of the characteristics that modern social theorists use to define a
professional organisation’. These
characteristics seem to have provided a useful foundation for the future. Although the standards achieved fell
short of what was desirable, Dr Pratten states that the militia COs of the
inter-war period could be ‘characterised as having a professional ethos but
amateur standards’.
Dr Pratten divides the
wartime COs broadly into three groups. The first commanders of AIF units, and commanders of militia
units until 1942, were generally older men with First World War
experience. These COs formed the
new AIF units, and inculcated discipline and military ethos into the new
recruits who made up those units and the wartime trainees inducted into militia
units. Dr Pratten notes that these
men were ‘unspectacularly effective’ in making the new AIF units disciplined
and cohesive, but that by mid-1941, if they had not been promoted, they were
being replaced. Dr Pratten sees
their experience as having ‘been critical to raising the 2nd AIF’.
However, the first group of
AIF COs had ‘only ever been intended as watch-keepers’. Their successors were a second group of
younger officers who served initially as company commanders and battalion
seconds-in-command, and were intended by Blamey to replace the ‘old hands’ once
they had been themselves adequately trained. The third group of COs comprised younger militia (and some
regular officers) who were at the ranks of lieutenant and captain at the start
of the war, and by the middle period of the war became COs of both AIF and CMF
battalions.
Dr Pratten traces the
development of the battalion command system, from the early days when COs had
to intervene to ensure that administrative arrangements worked, to the middle
and later parts of the war, when well developed battle drills ensured that such
matters were almost automatic. This allowed COs to concentrate on the tactical situation,
which was handled by the company commanders, monitored by the COs. This command
technique was facilitated by technical developments, particularly with wireless
communications.
Dr Pratten highlights the
manner in which the battalion commanders deployed to Malaya with the 8th
Division, did not develop a functioning command system. What system existed was
plagued by personality conflicts at higher levels and the limited quality of
the available officers. He
acknowledges that some of these COs relied on their subordinates (particularly
on effective seconds-in-command like Majors Charles Anderson and Charles
Assheton). Dr Pratten notes,
however, that despite these deficiencies, the Australians were among the
best-prepared troops in the Malayan theatre, and the Australian battalions
performed competently during the retreat to Singapore Island.
Charles Anderson is used as
an example of an unlikely leader: ‘myopic and a chain smoker with a terrible
cough and ... a gentle whimsical sense of humour’. His leadership was critical during the retreat from Bakri to
Parit Sulong. Dr Pratten shows, by
contrast, the way the strain of battle undermined Lieutenant Colonel ‘Black
Jack’ Galleghan’s façade of command.
Dr Pratten shows that the
New Guinea campaigns of 1943 and early 1944 ‘marked a period of consolidation’.
Battalions and their officers gained
confidence, and the jungle ceased to be the barrier to effective operations it
was found to be in Malaya and Papua. By then some battalions, such as the 2/15th and 2/17th, had
taken on some of the characteristics of their COs. By then, COs felt able also to question orders they
considered to be ‘ill-conceived, premature or badly prepared’.
Unit ‘personalities’,
however, could cause difficulties, as when Lieutenant Colonel Joshua took
command of the 2/43rd Battalion, bringing a different style to his predecessor.
He was soon replaced, and
Lieutenant Colonel Noel Simpson, the ‘Red Fox’ whose personality had been
impressed on the 2/17th Battalion, resolved the problems in the 2/43rd.
Also by 1943, some COs were
overstrained. Men who had
performed well in the Middle East, such as Lieutenant Colonels Starr and Guinn,
had lost their edge, and were relieved of command. Some of those relieved went to other duties (often
successfully). Their replacements
were often men with a ‘strong, aggressive personality’, typified by Lieutenant
Colonels George Warfe, who replaced Starr in the 58th/59th Battalion, and
George Smith, who took command of the 24th Battalion from the ‘temperamental
and difficult’ Falconner.
The Australian experience
was shared with the British, New Zealand, Canadian and US armies, with older
officers being replaced by a younger cohort, with an emphasis on current
tactical knowledge and ‘aggression, competence and courage’. Dr Pratten notes that in the British
Army, where the average age of battalion COs in mid-1941 was 46, a similar
solution of removing many older officers was implemented. By the end of the war, the average age
of British infantry COs was 32.
The almost wholesale
replacement of militia battalion COs by younger AIF officers in 1942 and 1943
led to a steady improvement in the standards of those battalions, as reported
by their superior divisions and brigades. However, neither the standard of the replacements nor the
improvements achieved were uniform.
By 1945, Dr Pratten considers
that the Australian Army ‘bore all the hallmarks of a long-established
professional army’. Most COs
appointed in 1945 had started the war as platoon commanders, and ‘had been
exposed to the operation of all of a battalion’s subunits’. They were quite young, but this was
balanced in some units by the retention of older men as second-in-command or
commanding headquarters companies. By that time, battle procedures were well established, and
units could be moved rapidly into action with minimal formal orders.
However, Dr Pratten
documents personality clashes between some battalion COs (and sometimes with
their brigadiers), clashes which might not have occurred in the earlier, more
desperate, phases of the war. At
least one CO, described as a ‘keen’ and ‘efficient’ officer, was relieved of
command for being ‘uncooperative’ and lacking ‘team spirit’. Mutinous incidents occurred within
battalions in 1945, particularly in Bougainville, and led to problems with
company commanders and the relief of at least one CO. Other COs were relieved for what Dr
Pratten terms ‘combat exhaustion’. Many of these were experienced and highly decorated officers.
Dr Pratten also notes that
by 1945, the ‘company was the primary tactical unit’, and the battalion CO was
more of a ‘tactical resource manager’. Much tactical manoeuvre was ‘designed to force the enemy into
positions where … fire support could be employed’. However, some battalions considered that small enemy
positions could be captured more quickly and with fewer casualties by a quick
infantry assault supported by the infantry’s own weapons, ‘rather than withdraw
and lose contact while artillery fire was brought onto the objective’.
Despite the changes,
however, the Australian Army remained ‘at its heart … a citizens army’. Dr Pratten considers that it changed
from ‘an amateur force with a professional ethos’ in 1939 to ‘a professional
force with an amateur ethos’ in 1945, but ‘never became a pure meritocracy’. Few wartime COs chose to continue in the
post-war army.
Overall, Dr Pratten
demonstrates the success of the process of selecting and developing battalion
commanders. Where the process did
not have time to move to the second stage of replacement of the original COs
with younger officers who had time to develop in an operational area (as with a
few of the original COs in the Middle East, and more generally in Malaya), the
negative results experienced demonstrated the effectiveness of that process. Where the practice of appointing older
officers (generally with First World War experience) persisted, as in the
militia battalions up until 1942, the results were seen as generally
deleterious.
Dr Pratten considers that
the COs of 1945 ‘were ultimately a validation of the philosophy underlying the
reforms in command training and appointment practices in the late 1930s’. By 1945, however, ‘the highly
experienced cohort of officers … was stretched increasingly thin’.
Dr Pratten provides some
interesting statistics. Five COs
had no pre-war military experience. Five others served as other ranks in the militia before the
war. Twelve COs were killed in
action or died of wounds. Another
was executed soon after being taken prisoner in Papua. Three died of sickness, one was
accidentally killed, and one committed suicide.
Of note is the number of men
with limited education and military experience who became battalion COs by the
end of the war. A sample of 45
officers for whom data are available suggests that some 14 percent had not
matriculated; at the other end of the scale, over 40 percent had university
degrees, at a time when only about one percent of the male population did. Dr Pratten comments in several places
that the battalion commanders came predominantly from white-collar backgrounds.
However, he accepts that, given
the limited numbers who completed secondary education in Australia in that era
(only some five percent of boys), and the demands of a CO’s duties, this should
not be surprising.
There are some minor
editorial points in a good book, however, it is somewhat surprising to see a
work of fiction (Lambert’s The
Twenty Thousand Thieves) as a reference. It is
used to make some points that surely could have been made from the actual
experience of the 276 men who commanded Australian infantry battalions during
the war.
JOHN DONOVAN
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